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Remarks by President Obama to Parliament in London
奧巴馬在英國議會發表講話 [視頻]

US President Barack Obama (L) and first lady Michelle Obama (R) talk to Britain's Prince William (2nd L) and Catherine, Duchess of Cambridge at Buckingham Palace, in London May 24, 2011. [Photo/Agencies]

Now, this doesn't mean we can afford to stand still. The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times. As I said the first time I came to London as President, for the G20 summit, the days are gone when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world's problems over a glass of brandy -- although I'm sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both use a stiff drink. (Laughter.) In this century, our joint leadership will require building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era.	這不意味著我們可以停步不前。我們的領導作用的性質需順應時代的要求。如我首次作為總統前來倫敦出席20國集團峰會時所說，羅斯福和丘吉爾可以坐在房間里喝著白蘭地解決世界上存在的問題，這個時代已經過去——盡管我想卡梅倫首相一定會同意，什么時候我們也可以來點烈性酒。在這個世紀，我們的共同領導作用將要求我們建立新的伙伴關系，適應新的情況，為符合新時代的要求調整我們自己。
That begins with our economic leadership.	首先談談我們在經濟領域的領導作用。
Adam Smith's central insight remains true today: There is no greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual men and women. That's what led to the Industrial Revolution that began in the factories of Manchester. That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose from the office parks of Silicon Valley. That's why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so rapidly -- because in fits and starts, they are moving toward market-based principles that the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced.	亞當·斯密的核心見解在今天仍然是正確的：一個能夠全部發揮男性和女性的個人潛能的自由企業制度是帶來財富和創新的最有力的引擎。正是它引發了在曼徹斯特的工廠中興起的工業革命。正是它催發了從硅谷的辦公園區開始的信息時代的黎明。中國、印度和巴西等國正在如此迅猛地發展的原因恰恰在于，他們時斷時續地在向美國和英國一貫推行的以市場為導向的原則邁進。
In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely of our own making. And today, the competition for the best jobs and industries favors countries that are free-thinking and forward-looking; countries with the most creative and innovative and entrepreneurial citizens.	換言之，我們現在的全球經濟基本上是由我們自己所為。今天，思想自由、向前看的國家在競爭最好的工作和產業時處于有利地位，這些國家擁有最具創造力、創新性和創業精神的公民。
That gives nations like the United States and the United Kingdom an inherent advantage. For from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein, from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our commitment to science and cutting-edge research, the discovery of new medicines and technologies. We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best colleges and universities on Earth. But to maintain this advantage in a world that's more competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments in science and engineering, and renew our national commitments to educating our workforces.	這使美國和英國等國享有一種內在的優勢。因為我們以我們對科學和尖端研究、對開發新藥和新技術的全力投入引領世界：從牛頓和達爾文到愛迪生和愛因斯坦，從阿蘭·圖靈到史蒂夫·喬布斯。我們在地球上最好的高等院校中讓我們的公民受到教育，讓我們的勞動者得到培訓。但要在一個競爭日益激烈的世界里保持這種優勢，我們必須加倍投資于科學和工程領域，并重新推動國家培訓勞動大軍的努力。
We've also been reminded in the last few years that markets can sometimes fail. In the last century, both our nations put in place regulatory frameworks to deal with such market failures -- safeguards to protect the banking system after the Great Depression, for example; regulations that were established to prevent the pollution of our air and water during the 1970s.	我們也在最近幾年中再次認識到，市場有時會失靈。上個世紀，我們兩國都建立了應對這類市場失靈的框架——例如，在大蕭條過后建立的保護銀行系統的保障措施，以及1970年代確立的保護我們的空氣和水不受污染的監管措施。
But in today's economy, such threats of market failure can no longer be contained within the borders of any one country. Market failures can go global, and go viral, and demand international responses. A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly every continent, which is why we must keep working through forums like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to prevent future excesses and abuse. No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must build on what was achieved at Copenhagen and Cancun to leave our children a planet that is safer and cleaner.	但在當今的經濟形勢下，上述威脅已不可能被遏制在任何一國的國境之內。市場失靈的情況可能波及全球并迅速蔓延，必須采取國際性舉措予以應對。從華爾街開始的金融危機波及幾乎各大洲，因此，我們必須通過G20這樣的論壇繼續努力，確立全球性通行規則，以防今后再出現過度行為和濫用現象。沒有任何一個國家能躲過碳污染之害，因此，我們必須鞏固在哥本哈根和坎昆取得的成果，讓我們的子孫擁有一個更安全、更清潔的星球。
Moreover, even when the free market works as it should, both our countries recognize that no matter how responsibly we live in our lives, hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a layoff may strike any one of us. And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself in a conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security -- health care if you get sick, unemployment insurance if you lose your job, a dignified retirement after a lifetime of hard work. That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our leadership in the world.	此外，即使是在自由市場正常運轉的時候，我們兩國也都認識到，不論我們在生活中多么認真盡責，任何人都可能遇到困境或不幸，都可能被疾病纏身或遭到解雇。因此，我們的一個共同傳統體現在這樣一個信念之中：每位公民都應享有基本的安全保障——生病時有醫療服務，失業時有失業保險，在畢生辛勤工作后有體面的退休生活。我們對公民的這一承諾也是我們能在全世界發揮領導作用的原因之一。
And now, having come through a terrible recession, our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that we're not consuming -- and hence consumed with -- a level of debt that could sap the strength and vitality of our economies. And that will require difficult choices and it will require different paths for both of our countries. But we have faced such challenges before, and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal responsibility with the responsibilities we have to one another.	現在，在經歷了嚴重的經濟衰退后，我們今天的挑戰是履行這些義務，同時確保我們的消費不會導致債務纏身，以致可能削弱我們的經濟力量與活力。這將需要我們做出艱難的抉擇并要求我們兩國都采取不同的路線。但是我們過去曾面對過這樣的挑戰，并始終能夠兼顧財政責任的需要與我們相互承擔的責任。